A RESEARCH INTO THE USE OF FABRIANO PAPER BY THE PAPAL CURIA IN AVIGNON (1309-1378)

 

Réginald Grégoire

 

The Papal Curia in Avignon

The time analysed in the history of papacy concerns the period of stay of seven Popes, all of them coming from France, in Avignon, on the Rhone, in the modem district of Vaucluse, in Provence.  Guest of Robert of Angjou, count of Provence, king of Naples and vassal of Roman Church, Clement V (1305-1314) arrives there on 9th March 1309; aiming at transferring papal administrative offices since the previous year he had ordered the cardinals to go there before the Epiphany of 1309.  His successor John XXII (1316-1334) had been bishop of Avignon from 1310; later, after Clement V and John XXII, all of them resided in the local Dominican Monastery or in the episcopate widened and turned into a court.  In this century the French Popes Benedict XII (1334−1342) and Clement VI (1342-1352) had the "Popes’ Palace" built, a work perfected by Innocent VI (1352−1362) and Urban V (1362−1370), up to the definite departure of the Pope, at the time, Gregory XI (1371−1378) in September 1376, who would enter Rome on 7th January 1377. On 9th June 1348 Clement VI had bought that territory from Johanna I, queen of Sicily and countess of Provence, at the price of 80,000 florins, a sum of money the queen needed to fight the king of Hungary who contended her for the kingdom of Sicily. The fact suggests occasional cash on the Pope's hand (taking up loans), but the expense is not however recorded in papal chancery registers. Later in Avignon two antipopes settle: Clement VII (1379−1394) and Benedict XIII (1394−1423). [1]

 

From the month of October 1347 and for the whole 1348 the Black Death spread: Italy was one of the most stroken countries, but also Avignon was not spared. [2]  For the year 1347−1348, the registra camerale 250 shows the increase of subsidies for the poor: in carnibus piscibus et ovis prò pauperibus. [3]  The consequences of the plague of 1300 in Fabriano do not seem adequately studied yet.  The immorality of the papal Court rose the well-known invectives by Francesco Petrarch († 1374):

Fontana di dolore, albergo d’ira,

scola d’errori e tempio d’eresia,

già Roma, or Babilonia falsa e ria,

per cui tanto si piange e si sospira.  

0 fucina d’inganni, o pregion d’ira

Ove ‘l ben more e’l male si nutre e cria,

di vivi inferno, un gran miracol fia

se Cristo teco alfine non s’adira. [4]

 

In those years the epic deeds of the Roman notary Cola di Rienzo (1313−1353) take place.  In 1343 on request of the Roman government of the thirteen Buoni Uomini, he went to Avignon and tried to convince Pope Clement VI to come back to Rome.  He is a financial notary at the papal Court in Avignon, a friend of Petrarch, he is appointed rector of the Urbe by the Pope in 1347.  In Italy he collaborates at the restoration plan by Cardinal Gii de Albornoz. In the years 1352−1353, owing to a suspect aim at destroying the rights of the Church on St. Peter’s Patrimony he is a prisoner of the Pope in Avignon.  In 1354, once set free, senator chief of a popular government and proclaimed himself tribune, he is an authoritarian champion of the ideal of the imperial Rome and Roman people who have the imperial sovereignty in their hands, in a view of spiritual millenarian renovatio.  His tyrannical policy and fiscalism cause a popular riot in which he will be murdered (8th October 1354). [5]  After the end of the period in Avignon, in 1378 the Great Western Schism (1378−1409) occurred, another troubled period in the history of the church and papacy with a lot of tangible consequences: according to the Christian medieval view, would the Ghibelline merchants accept to collaborate with a criticized papacy?  The historical period of that papacy transferred to Provence took place in a vast part of 1300, a period when Fabriano was steadily increasing also in handicraft, manufacture and trade. [6]  It was, therefore, legitimate to wonder if the Holy See at the time institutionally transferred to France, applied to the Fabrianese paper mills for purchasing paper material indispensable for papal offices.

 

I started my research in its structure by directly studying the documents of 1300 in Avignon preserved in the department of the Camera Apostolica in the Vatican Archives. Contemporary, on a second stage in my research, I controlled the literature concerning the history of paper in Western Countries and other historiographical sources.  The original manuscripts considered are preserved in the Archivio Segreto Vaticano.  The paper registers of the Camera Apostolica, balance sheets concerning the expenses met and records of incomes of the Papal Curia are an indispensable reference.  In detail, in these accounting books (massive paper books on introitus et exitus, i.e. incomes and outcomes written in chancery Latin small letters − with the peculiarity of the fourteenth-century mercantile small letters − not always easy to read) incomes are recorded: in a large part, taxes for Bulls, agreements for privileges and benefits.  Next to these introitus, exitus are listed, i.e. the expense divided in conformity with the different items of expenditure.  All the expenses and monthly purchases are recorded: food, sacristy (wax, incense, coal), hospitality, building (for instance fortresses), arms, horses and oxen, firewood, justice administration; purchase of parchment (for books, with entries of the expenses for writers, decorators, parchment scraping, book binding, etc.).  From time to time they list the purchase of lead for the Bulls, expenses for building resettlements in Avignon and Montpellier; you can read lists of alms, wages and gifts to the cardinals, etc. [7]  They used parchment for writing on and making Bulls, for some civil (maybe publicum instrumentum) and ecclesiastic documents clearly mentioned (the Bible, patristic texts).  We never meet words such as papirum, bambacina, and similiars.  As an example: during the papacy of John XXII, on 14th October 1317, it is noted prò soluti sunt prò scriptoribus prò transcribendis et 98 foliis in pergamena. [86]  John XXII had so spent 60 florins to have his books written and complementary jobs (perhaps binding).  The same register shows the purchase of 50 dozens of parchment for books per manum Petri de Fani capellani etfamiliaris sui (f. 49r). It is the only fact of this man from the Marches, chaplain Pietro from Fano for the purchase of parchments and book writing. [9]

 

The political and social situation of Fabriano

From about 1160 to 1435, the Chiavelli feudal family ruled Fabriano among political violence and discontinuously.  At the end of the twelfth century and beginning of the thirteenth Alberghetto Chiavelli († 1304/1305 c.) was at the head of the local Ghibelline faction; his son Tomaso († 1328), himself a Ghibelline, favoured the rebellion of Fabriano against John XXII, later he was absolved from excommunication.  In 1354 the Chiavelli family submitted to the Church at last; but together with the re-establishment of the municipal authorities in the same year they were compelled to stay out of the town till 1362.  When peace was made with the papal legate Gii de Albornoz in 1362, Alberghetto II († 1376 c.), who had fought in 1322 and 1325 in favour of the Gozzolini family ousted from Osimo by the papal rector (representative) in the Marca, Amelio di Laurec, got his power back in

 

138

Fabriano till 1365. His son Giulio (t 1403/1404) re-established his stable control from January 1378, assuming the title of defensor communis et populi again. The town itself was conquered on 24th June 1378, an anniversary publicly celebrated from that date. During the first stage of the western schism, Guido Chiavelli sided with the antipope Clement VII; in 1393, when he returned to obey the Roman Church he was automatically given back the title of vicar-apostolic of Fabriano by Boniface IX. [10]  A brother of his, Crescenzio (the fourteenth century), a Silvestrine monk, later appointed abbot of St Vittore delle Chiuse in 1308, was excommunicated in 1324 because he sided with the party of Ludvic IV of Bavaria (t 1347) against the lawful Pope John XXII, he was absolved in 1331.  A natural son of Guido Chiavelli, Cecchino († 1415), owned a paper mill at Cacciano; no evidence is of trading relations with Avignon.  The noble Chiavelli family of Fabriano almost continuously show a clear Ghibelline trend or attitude during the fourteenth century: the fact might hamper trading exchanges in particular with the papal court. [11]  To change some fragmentary statute items of the thirteenth century, the municipal authorities issued their own Statuto in 1415. [12]  In this Statuto they establish: Et quod camerarius vel aliquis notarius ipsius non possit nec debat dare alicuy persone culuscumque condicionis fuerit cartam pecudinam sive bombacinam, ceram sive inclaustrum, nisi persone que posset habere ex forma alicuius statuti. [13]  In a few words, it is forbidden to gift someone paper; but they never refer to paper trade or paper manufacturing art.  In papal financial registers Fabriano is clearly and periodically pointed out since they did not pay the Papal Court in Avignon for annual taxes.  For instance, in 1321, during the papacy of John XXII the scribe of the 62 register introitus et exitus of the Camera Apostolica notes: Et est sciendum quod infrascripte civitates non solverunt dicto anno XXI alique propter rebellionem alie quia noluerunt alio for san que non potuerunt quia devastate erant. [14]

 

Among 36 insolvent towns the second is Fabriano (in the list there are Serra S. Quirico, Fossombrone, Ancona, Staffolo, Corinaldo, etc.).  But, in 1322, John XXII absolved the clergy and people of the town from the interdiction. Evidence of the payment effected is recorded: Item recepit a clero fabriani quia non pervenerant introitum (folio 43v). Item recepit a Lippo magisteri Johanne de Mathelica provento quodque inerat ad terram rebellionis flor. XV (folio 50v).  In 1322 the Umbria-Marche region was shaken with the debate on the poverty of Christ and apostles started by the Franciscan preaching within Christianity from 1321/1322 onward; after all, the fact opposed the ecclesial feudal organization of the time; it implied to deliver a judgement on the temporal power of the Church and theocratic theory of papal charisma.  The position against the papal fiscalism was very widespread and well-grounded at the time, so much rooted as to cause a dissidence contrasted by the monastic Orders, by the Black-friars and some diocesan clerks. In 1323 again, on 43 insolvent towns, Fabriano is still the second (id., folio 23v); in 1323 among 39 insolvent towns Fabriano is on the third position (id., folio 27r); in the year 1324, 49 insolvent towns are listed and among these the third is Fabriano (id., folio 28v).

 

In 1300 the town is periodically shaken by fights between Guelphs and Ghibellines; when the Ghibelline party wins, of course, the Papal Curia is not paid taxes; the same is for a possible sale of paper.  In 1328, for the first time, Fabriano became diocese, because the antipope Nicholas V promoted it to episcopal see (the real promotion was signed by Pope Benedict XIII on 15th November 1728); on 14th August 1331 the lawful Pope John XXII is implored for papal absolution from the excommunication given owing to the participation of the town to the party of Ludvic of Bavaria and the above mentioned antipope. Ludvic protects the Fraticelli di Michele from Cesena by an act signed in Pisa on 26th September 1328; then, in favour of their monastery at Fabriano, on 6th January 1329: such a backing could not be well accepted by the Papal Curia. [15]  Anyway, in 1329, through the formula dante et solvente the town that has already paid taxes to the Papal Curia for (affictus preteritorum) gets subsidies for the clergy; then it is reported two men of Fabriano Donatutius and Nicola pay, the former on 26th May 1329, the latter on 30th July 1329. [16]  In 1347 it is noted: Die 17 mensis maii sequentis computus Guillelmi Rostagni senatus de Clavellis et aliis sententiis ab eo receptis prò operibus domni nostri pape de mense preterito et proprii computai sibi debere prò ... [17]

 

The submission of the Municipality of Fabriano took place on 5th November 1355. [18]  It was the conclusion of one of the recurrent periods of social and clergy tensions (from 1344 to December 1354).  Some days later, on 12th November 1355, the document of municipal and regional pacification orders to rebuild and restore 12 falling-mills in Fabriano, destroyed by the municipal army; these watermills were used to the fulling of cloth and manufacturing paper with rags; their recovery will take place in five years. [19]  In this connection we can suppose paper industry and trade got their viability back toward 1360; anything had a social aim: prò bono pacis et concordie ac statu pacifico et tranquillo terre et hominum terre Fabriani et eius districtus. [20]  In 1354-1355 a Manuale expensarum prò constructione aut reparatione et munitione roccharum Marchiae Anconitanae is drawn up. [21] In 1356-1357 the Camera Apostolica writes again the seasonal Liber expensarum prò guerra ad recuperandam civitates, terras et loca Ecclesie in Marchia Anconetana et Ro- mandiola (Cam. Ap., Intr. et Ex., 225, 279); 281: Liber expensarum prò constructione rocchae papalis civitatis Anconitana (folios 1−74). In a lot of registers we can see the same expenses, but we can never find any trace of paper orders.  In 1357, Cardinal Gii de Albornoz, legate of Innocent VI and the papal rector in the Marca of Ancona had finished the full re-establishment of papal authority in the region, jeopardized for a long time: the Liber constitutionum sanctae matri Ecclesiae (Costituzioni egidiane) was issued during the Parlamento di Fano (29th April − lst May 1357). [22]  In 1362 it was written again on 80 sheets a Liber stipendiorum militum Marchiae Anconetanae (Cam. Ap., Intr. Et Ex. 196), the same is for the collectoriae which point out the collection of tithe (for example, Collectoriae 232 [years 1346−1349], 268 [1353−1355], 301 [1356−1369]. The same situation continued for the whole period of Avignon.

 

We can find a watermark in Cam. Ap., Intr. Et Ex. 101 (years 1328 - 1330), folio 4r: it is a Roman small letter b. [23]  In the same register, folio 8r, a crown; [24]  Briquet states the use of such a watermark at Genoa in 1313.  But also in Intr. Et Ex. 70 (year 1325), the watermark shows three small circles hanging, perhaps three cherries joined to their stalks (fruits upward: folios 29, 44, 94, 103, 104, 106, 118, 130, 131; fruits downward: folios 58, 92, 93, 109, 110, 111,112, 129, 132, 133).  Intr. Et Ex. 84 (year 1327) the same watermark is shown in some sheets: fruits upward (folios 10, 12, 17, 19, 27, 38, 39, 49, 55, 56, 57, 58, 82, 83), fruits downward (folio 50): 19 watermarked sheets on 96. [25]  This mark is mainly used at Pisa, Genoa, Grenoble, Nimes; maybe also at Fabriano.  The connection with Genoa, Grenoble and Nimes suggests a possible purchase of Ligurian paper by the Camera Apostolica in Avignon (I do not know the spread of the paper manufactured at Nimes).  Many registers consist of very thick paper sheets without any watermark; but we should have a direct general view also of the registers only looked up on a microfilm or DVD at present. We should control whether watermarks correspond to what seen in the series of registers of Avignon (Registra Avenionensia) where official letters and Bulls are recorded. [26]  General information in Istituzioni e società delle Marche (secoli XIV-XV) Deputazione di Storia Patria per le Marche Atti e memorie 103 (1998), Ancona, 2000.  'The most frequent contrast was between the popular pacifist tendences, faithful to the church government prevailing inside institutions and the aims at power and indipendence of the nobles mostly supporting the Ghibelline cause that in some periods can draw to their side a large number of people of various ranks'. [27] 

 

Fabriano's position toward the Papal Curia

The ancient papal fiscal documentation nowadays preserved in the Archivio Segreto Vaticano, concerning the Marca of Ancona of 1300 is extremely rich; next to the registers of exitus et introitus of the Camera Apostolica, one of the most important volumes is preserved in Armadio XXXV, it is the 20 volume, already shown to the Parlamento di Fano between 30th April and 3rd May 1357 as a proof of the rights re-established. [28]  In the Descriptio Marchiae Anconitanae drawn up after 22nd December 1362 and before Cardinal di Albornoz’s death (on 23rd August 1367), in Fabriano 3,600 fiscal fires, i.e. fiscal units, were registered as assessment, non-demographic ones. [29]  Therefore, Fabriano, as terra major, must pay duos baiulos curie generali et unum curie presidatus. [30]  The annual tax is specified: 'annuatim Romane Ecclesie et eius Camere in provincia Marchie Anconetane affictum in calendis maii ad rationem XLIIII solidorum prò Floreno. [31]  Besides, in 1355-1356, Fabriano is compelled to pay the tallia, a military tax [to finance an army] by three instalments: prò primo termino in kalendis maii dicti anni, et sic de anno in annum quousque ipse dominus Egidius erit legatus in provinciis Ecclesie, secun- duim taxam et quantitatem infrascriptas. The tax amount is 4,000 florins; [32]  later, it will be 3,000 florins. [33]  In that period there is no evidence of papal trading businesses in paper through the port of Talamone, the towns of Aigues-Mortes and Montpellier, or Troyes, junction and sorting centres of goods in the fourteenth century. [34] 

 

Some years before Gregory XI went back to Rome, the introitus et exitus of 1376 (Reg. Aven, 346) shows the incomes (various taxes) and monthly expenses, including the frequent alms. Among the expenses, we can read in each month prò scriptum et libris, without referring to the material; they refer to aliis libris magnis not better identified (folio 57v): it is evidence that other big accounting books existed.  For example, in January 1376, folio 51v, prò ligatura Bernardo Stephani scriptori concerns parchment books for the pope; on 18th March 1376, the Camera pays 27 pounds for the papal bullator, no purchase of paper comes out.  In June 1376 19 florins are assigned to book writing (folio 104r), in July 15 pounds (folio 113v), in August 84 florins (folio 132v).  In the same register, next to the huge expenses for the war in Romagna and Italy, for food, for the maintenance of the buildings, they fix alms for pauperibus puellis maritandis et aliis egenis pauperibus (folio 120v).  It is a common management of a papal balance sheet marked by fortuitous circumstances.  In 1376, a large part of the record in Intr. et Ex. 347 concerns the recessus, i.e. the departure of the Pope for Rome. On 12th January the expenses are noted Item eidem prò extrahi fadendo de Regno Domni Clementis tractatus Venetorum et Franchorum convenien. 12 magna folia etiam dimidió uno prò quolibet V se. II flor, (folio 183v).  At different times they refer to the preparation of parchments, binding, copyists’ work (folios 49v, 59v, 137v).  Army expenses are not missing. Among the expenses of the Papal Curia it is notable the following item about the presence of Catherine of Siena in Avignon in September 1376: Die XII mensis septembris soluti fuerunt Caterine de Senis ex dono Senensi ep. dictum papam sibi facto fratre Raimondo de Capua ordinis predicatorum prò ipsa recipiente C flor, (folio 23v).  Anyway, till 1378 (the ending of the Popes' Stay in Avignon), the registers of the Camera Apostolica do not show explicit trade relations with Fabriano, Camerino or other paper mills in the peninsula (for instance: Amalfi, Pioraco, Pisa). [35]  A suggestive new trace should be verified through the Genoese registers.  Following a theory, we had to control whether the town had paid the Curia the possible equivalent in paper for unpaid taxes. In fact, the duty of such a substitute or complementary contribution is not proved, as instead it is the case by analogy at Pioraco where the grant of rags was offset by payment in cash and paper. [36]  Besides we can point out there was a duty on rags [called cenciaria] for paper manufacturing in the fourteenth century. [37]  It is proved the Silvestrine monks of Fabriano owned premises to manufacture bambagina paper in the years 1342-1393. [38]  But that monastic community did not have any trading exchange with Avignon.  We do not know the date when the use of paper started for official documents. Public offices made use of parchment; Emperor Frederick II, himself, ordered in 1232 that official deeds must be written on parchment and documents drawn up on paper could not be evidence on trial.  But starting from the fourteenth century the common use of paper spreads slowly. [39]  Till its extinction (1968) and incorporation in the Segreteria di Stato, the Segreteria dei Brevi ai Principi always sent their documents written on parchment.

 

Interpretative theories on archive documents

We cannot forget the fact that among 12 Medieval Arts on the place (judges, notaries, merchants, papermakers, wool-workers, weavers, tailors, hatters, butchers, blacksmiths, cattle drovers), the guild of Fabrianese papermakers is certified from 1326. [40]  From that date papermaking at Fabriano was one of the most established industries so that it could show as an ‘art’, i.e. a well-organized dynamic guild. In 1365 there is evidence of the shipment of 111 bales of paper to Talamone, later distributed at Aigues-Mortes and Montpellier; 170 in 1366 [41]  but the papal and Fabrianese documents give no information on the fact of a possible shipment to Avignon. If political situation had not been so often negative toward the Papal Court, this Art might have found an important mercantile outlet also in Provence in 1300 as it would happen in 1400.

 

1. A first impression (which is a theory) is given by the incomplete documentation: perhaps, was there a double record?  The present registers might be only a partial indicative synthesis, without showing a complete financial view; this is suggested by the not-better identified alliis libris magnis pointed out in accounting items recorded in 1376. [42]  It is significant the absence of any reference to paper trade in the guidance inventory by U. Paoli, Documentazione dell’Archivio Segreto Vaticano sul Trecento Fabrianese, in II Trecento a Fabriano, pp. 87−151.  The same silence on the sources is shown in the research made by E. Di Stefano, La Carta Marchigiana sul Mercato Europeo e il Caso di Camerino nei Secoli XIV-XV, in Proposte e ricerche. Economia e Società nella Storia dell’Italia Centrale, XXVIII / 54 (2005), pp. 194-221.  On the market and exportation of paper in Fabriano there is never reference to the Papal Curia in Avignon. [43]  This absence seems inexplicable in 1300, if we do not consider the political and social world in which the Chiavelli acted as the lords of the town and Municipality, almost always marked by Ghibelline affinities.  As a matter of fact, the Apostolic See, also during their stay in Avignon, do not seem to have a trade policy oriented to the marginal paper markets (Catalonia, Mallorca and Venice), similar to the one followed by the paper mills in the Marches.  It seems also that the Chamber's registers are not suitable for investigation concerning ‘foreign trade’ and therefore, in such a situation, trade agreements with Fabriano would not have been recorded.

 

2. It is really possible that in that period no purchase of the Fabrianese paper took place, owing to the almost-continuous Ghibelline trend, and a situation of intermittent intolerance and rebellion against the Papal Curia during 1300; and then their assent to the anti-pope from 1378 to 1393 could only widen distances between the town and lawful papacy.

 

3. If these papal registers of 1300 are made of paper and not of parchment, it is obvious that such a material carne to Avignon from outside, since there were no paper mills on the place.  As there is no record of purchase of paper during the whole fourteenth century, we try to point out some theories about the origin of the paper used for the entries.

a.            Paper should have been a kind of exchange item, a way to release from a debt; if not a fine to pay the Holy See, as a substitute of non-paid taxes.  This hypothesis should be proved.

b.                We can suppose even a gift, a kind donazione, by a benefactor: the paper gift might be an act of great generosity: a paper mill might be honoured to cooperate, on such a way, with one of the most influential economic and religious powers in the 1300 Europe.  It has been stated that in Avignon 'the enriching of the library, which was considerable, cost the papal finances nothing. It originated from the gifts and mainly from the exertion of the right of dispossetion on successions of clergymen which the pope reserved for himself'. [44]  Whether the origin of paper did not come from the right of dispossetion, the alternative might be in gifts (not recorded in the registers of the Camera Apostolica).  But the foundation of the hypothesis must be checked.

 

4. However it seems legitimate to ask whether the Chamber's registers have preserved all the accounting records or, instead, some items of expenses have not been written, for different reasons of a usual procedure, of fiscal policy or mercantile diplomacy and advisability.  There are still some doubts about the subdivision of expenses; for instance the liturgics expenses (wax, incense and coal) are recorded together with the military ones under a single expense item. [45]  Even though only large financial flows (mainly tax collection) of the central administration are known, it is a sure fact the papal treasury office annually cashed sums of money hardly sufficient for the management of the Court: [46]  the Papal expenses Varied depending on whether they made wars in Italy'; [47] the Popes were compelled to apply to bankers, merchants and financial companies that were always Italian, for raising loans.

 

5. The continuation of the research can be assumed through an investigation in the documents relevant to the latest decades of the fourteenth century (i.e. relevant to the period following the stay in Avignon) or at the beginning of the fifteenth century to verify whether in the Chamber's registers of that period, which are all of paper, it is recorded the direct or indirect purchase of the Fabrianese carta bambacina.  For scholars almost all the Chamber’s registers of Avignon can be looked up on microfilms.

 

6. It would be useful then to investigate in the section of the Libri dei mercanti (by the Archivio Comunale in Fabriano) and in the large notary archive preserved in a department of the Archivio di Stato in Fabriano, where the registers owned by notaries who drew up from the end of the thirteenth century onward could give some useful evidence. [48]  We cannot exclude beforehand that Fabriano traded with Provence through Catalonia or Venice; on the basis of such a hypothesis it should be useful a research in the Venetian archives, but it should be a more decisive research in the Genoese registers on the basis of watermarked paper items found in the papal documents.  The opportunity of a research in the Genoese archives (with reference to the role Fabriano had on the medieval market of paper) has been shown by G. Castagnari [49]  but it would be necessary to verify a possible trade route between Genoa and Avignon.  The outcomes obtained let us go back to 1400 the direct and maybe systematic purchase of the Fabrianese paper to be used in the offices of the Papal Curia.  But very probably, already in 1300, a certain use of this paper, perhaps coming from Liguria, from Genoa (as we can see in some watermarks) was accepted for administrative correspondence (for the Bulls and solemn acts the Papal Court used parchment: a custom preserved in the Segreteria dei Brevi ai Principi and in the Segreteria delle Lettere Latine, incorporated in the Segreteria di Stato, to set up its III Division, with Motu Proprio Quo Aptius by Paulus VI of 27th February 1973.

 

Notes

1. Cfr. Mollat, G., I Papi di Avignone, in Enciclopedia del Papato, Catania, 1961, pp. 510-539. Renouard, Y., La Papauté à Avignon, Paris, 1969. As regards the single Popes in Avignon, see entries in the Enciclopedia dei Papi, t. 2, Rome, 2000: Paravicini Bagliani, A., Clemente V, pp. 501-512; Trottmann, C., Giovanni XXII, pp. 512-522; Guillemain, B., Benedetto XII, pp. 524.530; id., Clemente VI, pp. 530-537; Gasnault, R, Innocenzo VI, pp. 537-542; Hayez, M., Urbain V, pp. 542-550; id., Gregorio XI, pp. 550-561; Guillemain, B., La Cour pontificale dAvignon (1309-1378). Étude d'une société, Paris, 1962; id., I papi di Avignone 1309-1376, Cinisello Balsamo, 2003 [originai French Les papes dAvignon 1309-1376, Paris, 1998], bibliography pp. 163-168; Hamesse, J., Editor, La vie culturelle, intellectuelle et scientifique à la Cour des Papes dAvignon, Turnhout, 2006. As regards the antipopes, cfr. Enciclopedia dei Papi, cit.; Dykmans, M., Clemente VI, pp. 593-606; Vaquero Pineiro, M., Benedetto XII, pp. 606-610.

2. Biraben, J., Les hommes et la peste en France et dans les pays européens et méditerranéens, Paris, 1975; Welkenhuysen, A., La Peste en Avignon (13^8) décrite par un témoin oculaire, Louis Sanctus de Beringen, in Lievens, R., Van Mingroot, E., Verbeke, W., Editors, Pascua medioevalia: Studies voor Prof. Dr. J. M. De Smet, (Medioevalia Lovaniensia, ser. I, Studia X), Louvain, 1983, pp. 452-492. Kelly, J., La peste nera, Casale Monferrato, 2005; for Avignon, pp. 164-185.

3. Cam. Ap., Intr. et Ex., 250, ff. 193-209v.

4. Petrarch, E, Rime, 138; F. Neri, F., Editor, Rime Trionfi e Poesie latine, Milano-Napoli, 1951, p. 203; against Avignon, cfr. rhymes 136-138; ed. cit., pp. 201-203.

5. Cfr. Di Carpegna Falconieri, T., (Profili, 31), Cola di Rienzo, Rome, 2002.

6. Castagnari, G., Editor, Il Trecento a Fabriano. Ambiente società istituzioni, [I Disuniti, 1], Fabriano, 2002. In the same volume: Morosin, M., L'autonomia politico-istituzionale del comune di Fabriano sullo scorcio del secolo XIII, pp. 47-70 and Grégoire, R., Le Istituzioni religiose fabrianesi nel Trecento, pp. 153-166.

7. Renouard, Y., Les Relations des papes d'Avignon et des compagnies commerciales et bancaires, (Bibliothèque des Écoles Frangaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 151), Paris, 1941.

8. Cam. Ap., Intr. et ex., 17, f. 29r; the register of Introitus et exitus of 1321-1322, under the heading expense prò scripturis et libris, expense recorded: Item die prima novembris 1321, per manum domni Petri de Fani cappellani et camerarii sui prò satisfaciendi scriptoribus librorum domini nostri Pape et prò aliis necessariis predictis libris LX flor, anis (Cam. Ap., Introitus et exitus, 43, f. 60r).

9. Attractive aspects of that administration pointed out by Renouard, Y., op. cit., p. 32, tav. 1-2, drawn on by Guillemain, B., op. cit., p. 140: Movimento dei fondi presso la Camera Apostolica; p. 141: Tre esempi di suddivisione delle spese; Waley, D., The papal State in the thirteenth century, New York, 1961, pp. 252-275: The financial utilities of the papal State: we can notice the Marca of Ancona was one of the most profitable provinces for the papal finances. The papal interest in the Marches was not limited to the only terra of Fabriano: the papal fiscal oppression was one of the most persistent reasons of political and economic uncertainty, since it implied levying taxes for economic and military contributions.

10. As to that title of papal legitimation of his own dominion, cfr. Falaschi, P. L., in Istituzioni e società nelle Marche, cit., pp. 157-197.

11. Cfr. Sassi, R., Il 'Chi è' fabrianese, Fabriano, 1958 [1989], pp. 73-79; Franceschini, G., La situazione politica delle Marche alla venuta del cardinale Egidio Albornoz, in «Studia Picena» 27 (1959), pp. 20-55; Falaschi, P. L., Chiavelli Alberghetto, in Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, 24, 1980, pp. 633-636; id., Chiavelli Guido, ibid., pp. 638-641; Saracco Previdi, E., Uomini e ambiente dalla documentazione silvestrina nel secolo XIII, in ead., Convivere nella Marchia durante il Medioevo. Indagini e spunti di ricerca, Ancona, 1986, pp. 205-322 (already in «Aspetti e problemi del monachesimo nelle Marche», Fabriano, 1982, I, pp. 459-569); Villani, V., Il protagonismo ghibellino e il ruolo dei Chiavelli a Fabriano e a Rocca Contrada fra XIII e XIV secolo, in Castagnari, G., Editor, Il Trecento a Fabriano, cit., pp. 167-231 (cfr. pp. 222-231).

12. Avarucci, G., Paoli, U., Lo Statuto comunale di Fabriano [1415], Fabriano, 1999.

13. Statuto, III, 3, De camerariis et iposrum officio, ed. cit., p. 194.

14. Cam. Ap., Intr. et Ex., 62, f. 19r.

15. Pagnani, G., Frammenti della Cronaca del b. Francesco Venimbeni da Fabriano (1322), in «Archivium Franciscanum Historicum» 52 (1959), pp. 153-157.

16. Cam. Ap., Intr. et Ex., 101, ff. 14-15, 151, 171.

17. Cam. Ap., Intr. et Ex. 250, f. 146v. the reference to the group of the Chiavelli seems to concern a man not quoted by Sassi, R., Il 'Chi è' fabrianese, cit.

18. Cfr. Luzzatto, G., La pace del 5 novembre 1355 conclusa in Fabriano per volontà dellAlbornoz, in «Miscellenaea per nozze Crocioni-Ruscelloni», Rome, 1909, pp. 55-81; work republished in Castagnari, G., Editor, Il Trecento, cit., pp. 17-45.

19. Cfr. Luzzatto, G., op cit., pp. 37-38.

20. Cam. Ap., Intr. et Ex., 259, f. 37.

21. Cam. Ap., Intr. et Ex., 274.

22. Colliva, P., Il cardinale Albornoz, lo Stato della Chiesa, le 'Constitutiones Aegidianae' (1353-1357), (Studia Albornotiana, 32), Bologna, 1997.

23. Zonghi, A., Le marche principali delle carte fabrianesi dal 1293 al 1599, Fabriano, 1891, reprinted in Monumenta Chartae PapyraceÆ, Historiam Illustrante, Zonghi's Watermarks, III, Hilversum 1953, p. 96; cfr. p. 137; tav. 2, No. 20: (year 1301), letter g Briquet, C. M., Les filigranes. Dictionnaire Historique des Marques du Papier dès leur apparition vers 1282 jusqu'en 1600, Genève, 1907; reprinted in Castagnari, G., Editor, L'opera dei fratelli Zonghi. L'era del segno nella storia della carta, Fabriano, 2003. The volume of the Camera Apostolica collects payments of taxes, compositiones, grants, taxes collected (also from Fabriano) and similar financial deeds.

24. Briquet, C. M., op. cit., Ili, p. 284, No 4595

25. Cfr. Monumenta ChartÆ, op. cit., tav. 22, No. 251 [1325]; No 253 [1338], ibid.; as regards the cherries, No 7415 (evidenced in Pisa 1300-1316, Genoa 1317-1319, Grenoble 1318-1334, Bologna 1320-1332, Nimes 1325), cfr. Briquet, C. M., op. cit., I, Amsterdam, 1968, pp. 405-406.

26. Castagnari, G., L'arte della carta nel secolo di Federico II, Fabriano, 1998, p. 59, Fig. 20; Briquet, C. M., Les filigranes. Dictionnaire Historique des Marques du Papier dès leur apparition vers 1282 jusqu'en 1600, Genève, 1907; Monumenta Chart^e Papyrace^ Historiam Illustrante, Zonghi's Watermarks, cit. A first aproach in Zonghi, A., Le marche principali delle carte fabrianesi dal 1293 al 1509, cit.

27. Villani, V., art. cit., p. 229.

28. Cfr. Saracco Previdi, E., op. cit., p. LVI, No 177; Paoli, U., La documentazione dell'Archivio Segreto Vaticano sul Trecento fabrianese, in Castagnari, G., Editor, Il Trecento a Fabriano. Ambiente società istituzioni, (I Disuniti, 1), Fabriano, 2002, pp. 102-104.

29. Saracco Previdi, E., Descriptio Marchine Anconitanae, Ancona, 2000, p. 47; for fiscal fires, ead., pp. LXVI-LXVII); the town rules on 8 castra and 7 villae (ead., p. 29).

30. Saracco Previdi, E., op. cit., p. 54.

31. Ead., p. 768: Fabrianum LX lib. Rav. valent XXII Flor. I libr. XII sol.

32. Ead., op. cit., pp. 82-83.

33. 34 Ead., p. 86; for the real meaning of the tallia, cfr. ead., pp. LXXV-LXXVIX. As to the value of the Ravennate lira, cfr. Saracco Previdi, E., op. cit., pp. LXIX-LXX, No 238; as to the florin, p. LXXII, No 251. On the papal tax-system in the Avignon period, cfr. the bibliography quoted by Saracco Previdi, E., op. cit., pp. LXVII-LXVIII. In particular, Waley, D., Lo stato papale dal periodo feudale a Martino V, in Storia d'Italia, Galasso, Giuseppe, Editor, (UTET), voi. VII, t. 2, Turin, 1987, c. 3: I papi di Avignone e i loro possedimenti italiani 1305-1378).

34. Calegari, M., La diffusione della carta di stracci in area fabrianese, aspetti sociali e tecnici, in Castagnari, G., Editor, Contributi italiani, cit., p. 23; in the same work see Lipparoni, N., Il ruolo dei mercanti fabrianesi nella commercializzazione della carta e nell'organizzazione della attività produttiva tra XIV e XV secolo, ibid., pp. 61-82; shipment of bales of paper from Fabriano to Talamone: Fabriano, Archivio Storico Comunale, vol. 1351, cc. 46 e 56: document reproduced in II Trecento a Fabriano, cit., p. 219. A list of medieval paper mills: Castagnari, G., La carta in area umbro-marchigiana, in Carta Cartiere Cartai tra Umbria e Marche, Foligno, 2004.

35. Battelli, G., Le raccolte documentarie del card. Albornoz sulla pacificazione delle terre della Chiesa, in Verdera y Tuelis, F., Editor, El cardinal Albornoz y el Collegio de Espana, (Studia Albornotiana, XI), Madrid, 1972, pp. 523-567.

36. Capponi, A., Storia delle cartiere di Pioraco dai Varano ai Miliani, in Carta e cartiere, cit., pp. 58-59.

37. Paciaroni, R., La fabbricazione della carta a Sanseverino Marche dal Medioevo al Novecento, in Carta e cartiere, cit., p. 97.

38. Castagnari, G., L'arte della carta a Fabriano: le cartiere dei monaci di Montefano, in II monachesimo silvestrino nell'ambiente marchigiano del Duecento, Atti del convegno di studi tenuto a Fabriano Monastero S. Silvestro abate 30 maggio - 2 giugno 1990, (Bibliotheca Montisfani, 22), Fabriano, 1993, pp. 209-210.

39. Battelli, G., Lezioni di paleografia, Vatican City, 1949 (anast 1966), pp. 34-36. In genere, Frenz, Th., I documenti pontifici nel medioevo e nell'età moderna, It. ed., Pagano, S., Editor, (Lettera antiqua, 6), Vatican City, 1984, pp. 55-56.

40. Castagnari, G., Lipparoni, N., Arte e commercio della carta bambagina nei Libri dei Mercanti fabrianesi tra XIV e XV secolo, in «Atti e Memorie della Deputazione di Storia patria per le Marche» 87 (1982), Ancona, 1989, pp. 185-222, in particular p. 189.

41. Castagnari, G., Lipparoni, N., op. cit., pp. 192-195).

42. Reg. Aven. 346, f. 57v.

43. Cfr. Lipparoni, N., Il ruolo dei mercanti fabrianesi nella commercializzazione della carta e nell'organizzazione della attività produttiva tra XIV e XV secolo, in Castagnari, G., Editor, Contributi italiani alla diffusione della carta in Occidente tra XIV e XV secolo, pp. 61-82.

44. Guillemain, B., op. cit., pp. 95-97.

45. Ibid., p. 141, No 1.

46. Ibid., pp. 42-51.

47. Ibid., p. 50.

48. Cfr. Castagnari, G., Le principali fonti documentarie fabrianesi per la storia della carta dal XIV al XV secolo, in Id., Editor, Contributi italiani alla diffusione della carta in Occidente tra XIV e XV secolo, Fabriano, 1990, pp. 46-80.

49. Ibid., p. 48.

 

 

This article was first published in L’impiego delle tecniche e dell’opera dei cartai fabrianesi in Italia e in Europa, Giancarlo Castagnari Editor. © Cartiere Miliani Fabriano – Fedrigoni Group, p. 135-147.